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By Giovanni Sartori

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For instance, while it is common in early texts in many parts of Italy to find examples where the finite complementizer che or ca ‘that’ is repeated, only in these early Sardinian texts do we find the repetition of the non-finite complementizer de (Vincent 2006). However, in many areas we are more fortunate in that not only is there a long textual tradition, but it is also a very varied one. g. Stussi 1965). Similarly, in compiling his monumental historical grammar of The evolution of Italo-Romance morphosyntax 7 Neapolitan, Ledgeway (2009a) was able to draw on extensive texts going back into the early years of the 14th century.

1 below). Consequently, where most Romance varieties morphologically mark an indicative/subjunctive contrast on the verb in cases like (1) and (2), southern Italian dialects (3) and (4) neutralize this modal distinction through the indiscriminate use of an indicative form in both cases:1 (1) (2) a. ind b. ) well a. come b. ) well * This study is dedicated to Mair, who has been a generous and inspirational colleague and a dear friend to both of us for many years. 1 In what follows, free translations of the examples are only provided where the sense is not immediately inferable from the glosses.

Ptp A relevant factor here is expressive necessity. In these dialects, as elsewhere in Ræto-Romance, the ‘come’ verb is the only passive auxiliary. If the examples in (15) were not acceptable, the feature complex [perfect, passive] would remain unexpressed and inexpressible. At this point, however, it is time to bring our own reflections on these themes of inter-dialectal variation and contrast to a close and point the reader in the direction of the individual studies collected here. 6 The chapters Some of the chapters in this volume have already figured at various points in the preceding discussion.

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Conflitto d'interessi by Giovanni Sartori


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